Far from being representative of a consensus view, the opinions expressed in the controversial book “Unhappy China” are just one of many, often opposing views, currently being debated throughout China. This particular view, however, has been somewhat magnified by an overzealous media, which inevitably has led to a certain degree of misinterpretation.

The success of a controversial new book titled “Unhappy China: Our Times, Goals and Internal Troubles and the Threat from Overseas,” has led to a widening debate, after several domestic and international media reports drew attention to the book’s divisive content.

The book, a collection of essays by five authors, advocates that China, as a rising power, should “do business with others with a sword in hand.” The book’s central premise promotes the idea that China should break with the West conditionally, rather than ingratiating itself more closely with the developed world. The book also lashes out at a number of economists, writers and scholars for their apparent liberal-leaning ideas and attitudes.

In addition to the ongoing debate surrounding the book’s content, commentators have also drawn parallels to another similarly themed book, “China Can Say ‘No,’” first printed in 1996.

While “China Can Say ‘No’” has proved popular, going on to sell 6 millions copies in 13 years, “Unhappy China” has become an undeniable success. Since first going to print in March, a further eight more batches of the book have been printed, with the total number of copies sold reaching 470,000.

Unhappiness Cooked

The spectacle of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games helped create a new sense of prestige among many Chinese people. For Zhang Xiaobo and Song Qiang, two of the contributors to “China Can Say ‘No,’” the Beijing Olympics demonstrated a rising patriotism.

Galvanized by the success of the Olympics, Zhang, a poet-turned private book publisher, and his close friend, Song, recruited Wang Xiaodong, assistant research fellow at the China Youth and Children Research Center, and vocal advocate of “anti-reverse racism,” Song Xiaojun, editor-in-chief of the “Warship Knowledge” and guest military commentator with China Central Television (CCTV) and Phoenix TV, Huang Jisu, sociologist and deputy editor-in-chief of the “International Social Sciences Journal,” and Liu Yang, senior editor at the China International Continental Communications Center. Together they intended to produce a coherent argument to promote their views on nationalism.

On October 3, 2008, the five authors set up in a farmer’s courtyard near the Shangzhuang Reservoir in Beijing. Over the following three days the group spent much of their time engaging in conversation. Recordings of these discussions were later transcribed, forming the greater part of the book. It was through this method of recorded conversation that the five authors were able to produce a completed manuscript in a relatively short period of time.

The publishers of “Unhappy China” put a lot of energy into the book’s promotional campaign. A part of this campaign was targeted at foreign media, with almost every known international media outlet in Beijing receiving an advance copy of the book. “So far, 30 to 40 overseas media organizations have contacted us in an attempt to interview the authors,” explained Li Ying, the book’s promotional executive.

With over 47,000 copies of “Unhappy China” being sold, it is estimated that five authors have received a total of 1.4 million yuan (US$250,000) in remuneration (based on the standard 10 percent author share of the total income).

Who Is Unhappy?

The “Unhappy” authors believe that relations between the West and China have reached a critical point, whereby a showdown is anticipated. The authors cite both the Tibet issue and ongoing disputes over energy resources in Africa as expressions of these conflicts. The West, the book goes on to conclude, is stepping up its containment of China.

The book, however, also lashes out at “domestic wrongs,” claiming that the Sanlu poisonous milk powder scandal not only poisoned babies’ bodies but also the soul of China, shaking the very foundations of the core values that China should look to uphold. The book also points a critical finger at the country’s “intellectual elite,” arguing “that they are cutting at the roots of the Chinese national spirit.”

With these problems in mind, the authors offer a series of hard-hitting solutions: China, they argue, should stand up to the West more forcibly. In addition, social justice ought to be vigorously enforced throughout the country, while internationally, China should look to assert its own self interests. Finally, they argue, a set of grand strategic goals should be formulated, in order to help mold China into a more powerful nation.

Since the mid-1990s when “China Can Say ‘No’” was first printed, the Chinese economy has continued to accelerate, helping the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) rise to third in the international GDP index, behind only the United States and Japan. The huge trade surplus enjoyed by China has also significantly expanded the country’s foreign exchange reserves, while the purchase of large amounts of US treasury bonds has positioned China as the United States’ largest creditor. All of this combines to help to boost the confidence of Chinese nationalists.

That’s why Song Qiang, who was involved in writing both “China Can Say ‘No’ and “Unhappy China,” asserted that while “China Can Say ‘No’” advanced the idea that China was ready to lead itself, “Unhappy China” advocates that China now has the capability to lead the world.

Wang Xiaodong, one of the “Unhappy” writers, has since been labeled “a staunch nationalist.” Wang himself, though alleging that the label has been imposed on him by the Western media, sees “Chinese nationalism” as a “spontaneous patriotism with no government patronage.”

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